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A-Red-Dawn-That-Set-Too-Soon

2026-05-26T16:22:02Z

UshaK:

{{EnglishArticle
|display_name=A red dawn that set too soon
|author=Venugopal PN
|date=2007-04-20
|intro=This month, Kerala is celebrating the 50th anniversary of its first government. This government also happened to be the first Communist government in the world to come to power through ballots.
|content=The erstwhile princely states of Travancore, Kochi and Malabar which was a part of the Madras state became the state of Kerala in 1956 and the first election to the state assembly was held in 1957. The Communist Party of India (CPI) won 60 seats out of 126 and formed a government with the support of five independents who had contested the election with the support of the CPI. An eleven member cabinet, headed by EM Sankaran Namboodiripad (popularly known as EMS) was sworn in on 5th of April by governor Ramakrishna Rao. The jubilation across the state was unprecedented and spontaneous. People with a left orientation across the country celebrated the swearing-in as 'Kerala Day'. But there were also ominous signs of shape of things to come. After the election results were declared and before the new ministry took charge, the governor nominated an Anglo Indian member to the assembly without waiting for the cabinet's recommendation. Governor Rao also went to the extent of raising the emoluments of the top bureaucrats. These were not 'done things' in the usual course. The cabinet for its part, reduced the salary of the ministers from Rs.750 to Rs.500.

Most of the ministers were stalwarts in their own rights. The chief minister, EMS, the Marxist theoretician was already a well known author, was in the forefront of the freedom struggle and was the general secretary of the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee before he moved on to the Congress Socialist Party and then to the Communist Party. There were educationists like Joseph Mundassery, Dr A R Menon and V R Krishna Iyer. Krishna Iyer who later on gave up politics and became a Supreme Court judge. Most of the ministers and legislators were 'wanted' by the police and were 'underground' till the withdrawal of the ban on the Communist Party.

The inaugural April 1957 Kerala government was the first communist government in the world to come to power by the ballot.

28 months later, the Government of India invoked Article 356 of the Constitution to dismiss the same government. This was the first time Article 356 was used in the history of India.

The government plunged into action from the word go. On 11th of April, an ordinance was promulgated stopping eviction of tenant farmers. The government put forth an agenda based on what the Communist Party saw as the steps necessary for the democratic revolution. The Agrarian Relations Bill was one of the most important legislations introduced in this direction. It called for fixity of tenure for the tenants, reduction in the rent, ensuring the right of tenants and making cultivators the owners of the land by paying compensation to the landlords. The bill also set 15 acres of double cropland as the ceiling of land ownership. Even the Communist Party did not claim that it was a revolutionary piece of legislation. Most of it was what the Congress Party had promised the peasantry during the independence movement and it was basic agrarian reform. But it evoked strong opposition from the land owning class. (The bill itself had a tortuous fate and even though passed in the assembly in 1959, the land reforms in its full form had to wait till the second EMS led government in 1967).

Opposition from various quarters was to follow the ministry through out its tenure. It was the era of the Cold War and the world was polarising into communist and anti-communist blocks. India was a fledgling democracy fumbling and often stumbling in coming to terms with the intricacies of democratic and federal governance. The Kerala government itself was not in an envious situation. It had no role model to follow. All the communist governments in the world till then had come into power as a result of revolutions and there was total overhauling of the existing system. But here was a communist party in power in a federal setup which was 'capitalist' in character and had to largely abide by the economic policies of the central government and wholly abide by the constitution of the country. It is interesting to note that many other communist parties in the world called the Kerala experiment 'revisionist' as power had not come through an armed struggle.

However, the first government proved by its record that it is possible for a state government to implement measures to improve the living conditions of the marginalised, at least to a certain extent. As many as 88 bills were enacted in the ministry's shortened tenure of 28 months. The Minimum Wages Act for the workers in 18 industries and for agricultural workers ensured substantial increase in the wages. The Maternity Benefit Act gave women workers of the plantation and other similar sectors much wonted security. The Agriculturist's Debt Relief Act provided relief to the peasantry and the National and Festivals Holidays Act provided for seven paid holidays. Until then, workers did not have any holidays.

Several other bills were introduced in the legislature but could not be adopted due to its premature cessation. Of far reaching import was the Panchayat Bill and the District Council Bill envisaging the decentralisation of powers. Several administrative reforms measures were taken up and police was told not to interfere in labour disputes at the same time ensuring security of life and property. Third party arbitration was introduced to solve labour disputes. A police reforms committee was set up under the chairmanship of N C Chatterji, father of the present Loksabha Speaker Somnath Chatterji. Setting up of juvenile homes, rescue shelters, appointment of policewomen, and so forth, were some of the recommendations of the committee. Only a few could be implemented as the ministry was shown the door by that time. A master plan for preservation of water sources was prepared and there was general commendation as it was the first of its kind in India. ("It's still gathering dust", said Justice Krishna Iyer, the then irrigation minister, in a recent interview).

One of the most important pieces of legislation that the communist government brought in and which also proved to be the immediate cause of its ouster was the Kerala Education Act. The Act was to institute universal free education and also free teachers from the clutches of private school managements. It sought to regulate appointments and working conditions of teachers. There was also a provision of takeover of those institutions which violated the law. This particular provision was made out into a big issue by the Christian managements. They were joined by the Nair Service Society (NSS), an organisation of Nairs, a dominant caste. Other communal forces too joined in and the Congress Party spearheaded the 'free for all' agitation, which very soon turned violent. The agitation was named the vimochana samaram (liberation struggle). The police, which was under tight reins, did not react initially and when they started reacting, apparently over-reached themselves. There were several police firings and several fatal casualties. There were allegations that the alliance of the rich and the powerful, the communal forces and interested foreign agencies had manipulated the gullible to stage-manage a show of mass agitation.

The involvement of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the struggle was first confirmed by Patrick Moynihan, United States' ambassador to India (1973-75) in his 1978 book 'A Dangerous Place'. It was corroborated by Howard Schaffer the biographer of Ellsworth Bunker who was the US ambassador during the crucial years of 1956-61. Bunker is quoted confirming the American and his own involvement in funding the agitation against the EMS' communist government, in order to prevent "additional Keralas". (See Box)

The CIA Hand

The most far reaching US intervention into India's domestic policies during Bunker's New Delhi tenure came in Kerala. The CPI's success in Kerala had marked the first time a communist government had come to power anywhere in the world in a free and fair vote. As Dennis Kux (retired State Department South Asia specialist) had pointed out, the election results "rang alarm bells in Washington", where "preventing additional Keralas became an important argument for augmenting US assistance to India".

The Eisenhover administration at first adopted a wait-and-see attitude towards the CPI state government, but soon became more hostile. Bunker's embassy concurred with Washington's approach and made recommendations for implementing it. Eventually, a clandestine CIA operation was mounted to help dislodge the communists from power. This apparently involved agency funding for political demonstrations organised by the Congress Party and other opposition groups, that were designed to create a law and order situation sufficiently chaotic to justify the central government's dismissal of the Kerala administration. Citing such internal turmoil, New Delhi forced the communists out in 1959.

The CIA's role in Kerala did not surface until Daniel Patrick Moynihan who was ambassador to India in the early 1970s admitted this in his 1978 book 'A Dangerous Place'. The disclosure caused an uproar in India, especially since Moynihan had pointed to former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as the recipient of clandestine funds. Gandhi who by then was the prime minister often denounced the CIA had been the president of the ruling Congress Party when the Kerala communists were ousted. She had aggressively called for their dismissal and persuaded the central government led by her father Jawaharlal Nehru to accept her position. She aggressively termed Moynihan allegations "malicious, motivated and absolutely baseless", but he stood by it.

Ellsworth Bunker
Ellsworth Bunker
1894-1984

Born in Yonkers, New York, Ellsworth Bunker was a businessman who became a diplomat and was best-known for his role as U.S. ambassador to Vietnam from 1967 to 1973. Serving during the years of peak U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, he played a major role in making policy. Bunker began his diplomatic career as ambassador to Argentina in 1951 and subsequently served in Italy from 1952 to 1953 and India from 1956 to 1961. In an oral history interview he gave soon after Moynihan's book was published, Bunker admitted his own involvement. He expressed no regrets about the operation. He contended that the CIA had provided financial assistance to the Congress Party because the embassy had hard evidence that the Soviets were funding the local communists, "as they have done everywhere in the world, But as we have done elsewhere in the world," he went on, "we have come to the assistance of our friends when we knew and had evidence (of) what the Communists were doing financially and otherwise".

Bunker said the decision to provide funds was made "in Washington. But then I had leeways[sic] and discretion as to how it might be done and in what amounts." He recalled that S K Patil, not Indira Gandhi had been the intermediary. The agency, he said had had "very good and very close relation with Indian intelligence and was able to get from them pretty good evidence as to what was going on and in what amounts."

Source: Ellsworth Bunker, biography by Howard Schaffer, Chapter 6 'In Nehru's India'.

The long and short is that the Kerala government led by EMS was dismissed on 31 July 1959, by the Government of India, citing "breakdown of law and order", based on the report by Governor Rao. It was widely reported that the action was at the behest of Indira Gandhi, who was the president of the Congress Party and against the wishes of Jawaharlal Nehru, who was the prime minister. The EMS government still had simple majority in the state assembly. It was for the first time that Article 356 of the Constitution was being invoked to dismiss a state government.

With the advantage of perching 50 years from the scene of action, it can be safely said that the 28 month government led by EMS laid the foundation stones of present day Kerala. It had given to the country and the world some important lessons in social and political engineering. Whether there has been a consolidation of the merits of the social, agrarian and administrative reforms in the following five decades is a big question and another story altogether.
|thumbnail=Author-PNVenugopal.jpeg
|thumbnail_caption=Venugopal PN
|image1=A-Red-Dawn-That-Set-Too-Soon-1.jpg
|image1_caption=EMS Namboodiripad (left) swearing in as Chief Minister in April 1957
|image2=A-Red-Dawn-That-Set-Too-Soon-2.jpg
|image2_caption=Ellsworth Bunker 1894-1984
|image2_credit=Wikipedia
|highlight1=In an oral history interview he gave soon after Moynihan's book was published, Bunker admitted his own involvement. He expressed no regrets about the operation. He contended that the CIA had provided financial assistance to the Congress Party because the embassy had hard evidence that the Soviets were funding the local communists, "as they have done everywhere in the world, But as we have done elsewhere in the world," he went on, "we have come to the assistance of our friends when we knew and had evidence (of) what the Communists were doing financially and otherwise".
|highlight2=Bunker said the decision to provide funds was made "in Washington. But then I had leeways[sic] and discretion as to how it might be done and in what amounts." He recalled that S K Patil, not Indira Gandhi had been the intermediary. The agency, he said had had "very good and very close relation with Indian intelligence and was able to get from them pretty good evidence as to what was going on and in what amounts."
|category=Politics
}}

A-Red-Dawn-That-Set-Too-Soon

2026-05-26T15:06:39Z

UshaK: Created page with "{{EnglishArticle |display_name=A red dawn that set too soon |author=Venugopal PN |date=2007-04-20 |intro=This month, Kerala is celebrating the 50th anniversary of its first government. This government also happened to be the first Communist government in the world to come to power through ballots. |content=The erstwhile princely states of Travancore, Kochi and Malabar which was a part of the Madras state became the state of Kerala in 1956 and the first election to the st..."

പ്രമാണം:A-Red-Dawn-That-Set-Too-Soon-1.jpg

2026-05-26T15:02:54Z

UshaK:

2026-04-29T00:47:45Z

UshaK:

പ്രമാണം:Ottaal-1.jpg

2026-04-29T00:33:50Z

UshaK:

Nicaragua-Muthal-Guandanamo

2026-04-28T11:45:27Z

UshaK: Created page with "{{Article |DisplayTitle=നിക്കരാഗ്വാ മുതല്‍ ഗൗണ്ടനാമോ ബേ വരെ |Language=Malayalam |Author=പി എന്‍ വേണുഗോപാല്‍ |Date=2011-01-18 |Category=Society |Introduction=ഇറാക്കിലെ യുദ്ധക്കളത്തില്‍നിന്ന് അശ്വിന്‍ എടുത്ത നാലു ഡോക്യുമെന്ററികള്‍ ഫസ്റ്റ..."

{{Article
|DisplayTitle=നിക്കരാഗ്വാ മുതല്‍ ഗൗണ്ടനാമോ ബേ വരെ
|Language=Malayalam
|Author=പി എന്‍ വേണുഗോപാല്‍
|Date=2011-01-18
|Category=Society
|Introduction=ഇറാക്കിലെ യുദ്ധക്കളത്തില്‍നിന്ന് അശ്വിന്‍ എടുത്ത നാലു ഡോക്യുമെന്ററികള്‍ ഫസ്റ്റ് ചാനല്‍ സം‌പ്രേഷണം ചെയ്തു. അവയുടെ തുടര്‍ച്ചയെന്നോണമാണ്‌ ഗ്വാണ്ടനാമോ ബേയിലെ തടവുകാരെ കാണാന്‍ അശ്വിന്‌ അവസരം ലഭിച്ചത്. ആ മനുഷ്യവിരുദ്ധ കൂടുകളിലേയ്ക്ക് ഒരു വീഡിയോ ക്യാമെറായുമായി കടന്നുചെല്ലാന്‍ അനുവദിക്കപ്പെടുന്ന ആദ്യത്തെ പത്രപ്രവര്‍ത്തകനായിരുന്നു അശ്വിന്‍.
|Content=ചീറിപ്പായുന്ന വെടിയുണ്ടകള്‍ക്കിടയിലൂടെ, അലറി ആര്‍ത്തുവരുന്ന പോര്‍ വിമാനങ്ങളില്‍ നിന്ന് വര്‍ഷിക്കുന്ന ബോംബുകളില്‍നിന്ന് രക്ഷപെട്ട്, കുഴിബോംബുകളില്‍ ചവിട്ടി തരിപ്പണമാവാതെ കൈയില്‍ ക്യാമറയുമേന്തി രക്തത്തിന്റെയും ശവശരീരങ്ങളുടെയും നേര്‍ക്കാഴ്ചകള്‍ ഒപ്പിയെടുക്കുന്ന പത്രപ്രവര്‍ത്തകര്‍. യുദ്ധം പ്രതിപാദ്യവിഷയമായ സിനിമകളില്‍ പോലും ഇല്ലാത്ത ഇന്ത്യന്‍ അവസ്ഥയില്‍ ദശകങ്ങളായി ഇതൊക്കെ ചെയ്യുകയും അതില്‍ കീര്‍ത്തിമുദ്ര പതിക്കുകയുംചെയ്ത ഒരു ഇന്ത്യാക്കാരന്‍ ഉണ്ടെന്നത് പലര്‍ക്കും ഒരു പുതിയ അറിവാകും. അശ്വിന്‍ രാമന്‍ - 1946 ല്‍ മുംബയിയില്‍ ജനനം, ജര്‍മനിയില്‍ സ്ഥിരവാസം. 200 ല്‍ ഏറെ വാര്‍ത്താചിത്രങ്ങള്‍, അവയിലേറെയും സംഘര്‍ഷഭൂമികളില്‍ നിന്ന്. ടൈംസ് ഓഫ് ഇന്ത്യയില്‍ പത്രപ്രവര്‍ത്തകനായിരുന്ന ആന്ധ്രാക്കാരന്‍ അഛന്റെയും പാഴ്സി അമ്മയുടേയും ഒപ്പം ഇന്ത്യയുടെ പല ഭാഗങ്ങളില്‍ കൂടുവച്ച് കൂടുമാറി വിദ്യാഭ്യാസം പൂര്‍ത്തിയാക്കിയ അശ്വിന്‍ 1969 ല്‍ ടൈംസ് ഓഫ് ഇന്ത്യയില്‍ തന്നെ റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ടര്‍ ആയി ജോലി തുടങ്ങി. 1972 ല്‍ മ്യൂണിക് ഒളിമ്പിക്സ് കവര്‍ ചെയ്യാന്‍ ജര്‍മനിയില്‍ പോകാന്‍ കഴിഞ്ഞത് അശ്വിന്റെ ജീവിതത്തിലെ ഒരു വഴിത്തിരിവായി. 1975 ല്‍ അടിയന്തിരാവസ്ഥ അടിച്ചേല്പിക്കപ്പെട്ടപ്പോള്‍ മറ്റു പല പത്രപ്രവര്‍ത്തകരേയും പോലെ അശ്വിന്റെ ജീവനും ഭീഷണിയുണ്ടായി.ടൈംസിലെ റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ടുകളായിരുന്നില്ല കാരണം. അദ്ദേഹം ചില ജര്‍മന്‍ പത്രങ്ങളില്‍ എഴുതാറുണ്ടായിരുന്ന ലേഖനങ്ങളായിരുന്നു അധികൃതര്‍ക്ക്‌ പിടിക്കാതിരുന്നത്‌. അന്ന് ജര്‍മന്‍ ഭാഷ അറിയില്ലാതിരുന്ന അശ്വിന്റെ ഇംഗ്ലീഷ് ലേഖനങ്ങള്‍ പരിഭാഷപ്പെടുത്തി ഏതാനും പത്രങ്ങള്‍ പ്രസിദ്ധീകരിച്ചിരുന്നു.

രാത്രികാലങ്ങളില്‍ പോലീസ് അന്വേഷിച്ചു വരാന്‍ തുടങ്ങിയതോടെ അശ്വിന്‍ തന്റെ ജര്‍മന്‍ ബന്ധങ്ങള്‍ ഉപയോഗിച്ചു ഹാംബര്‍ഗിലേക്കു പോയി. തല്‍ക്കാലത്തേയ്ക്കുള്ള അഭയകേന്ദ്രം തന്റെ പുതിയ വാസസ്ഥലമാവുമെന്ന് അശ്വിന്‍ വിചാരിച്ചതേയില്ല.

1978 - നിക്കരാഗ്വ എന്ന ചെറിയ ലാറ്റിനമേരിക്കന്‍ രാജ്യം ലോകശ്രദ്ധ ആകര്‍ഷിച്ച കാലം. സാമോസ എന്ന സ്വേച്ഛാധിപതി അമേരിക്കന്‍ പിന്തുണയോടെ ആ കൊച്ചു രാജ്യത്തെയും അവിടുത്തെ ജനങ്ങളേയും ആവും വിധമൊക്കെ ശ്വാസം മുട്ടിച്ചുകൊണ്ടിരുന്ന കാലം. 1930 കളില്‍ 'ഗര്‍ണിക്ക' ചിത്രീകരിക്കാന്‍ പിക്കാസോയെ പ്രേരിപ്പിച്ച സ്പെയിനിലെ ആഭ്യന്തര യുദ്ധത്തില്‍ ഫാഷിസ്റ്റുകള്‍ക്കെതെരെ സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യകാംക്ഷികളും മനുഷ്യാവകാശ പ്രവര്‍ത്തകരും ഇടതുപക്ഷ ചിന്താഗതിക്കാരും അണിചേര്‍ന്നതുപോലെ 'ഇന്റര്‍നാഷണല്‍ ബ്രിഗേഡ് ' സാമോസയ്ക്കെതിരെ യുദ്ധം ചെയ്യുന്ന സാന്‍ഡിനിസ്റ്റായെ സഹായിക്കാന്‍ എത്തിയകാലം. അശ്വിന്‍ രാമനും നിക്കരാഗ്വയിലേക്കു പുറപ്പെട്ടു. ഇന്റര്‍നാഷണല്‍ ബ്രിഗേഡില്‍ ചേര്‍ന്നു യുദ്ധം ചെയ്യാനല്ല, യുദ്ധത്തിന്റെ വിവരങ്ങളും വിവരണങ്ങളും മാധ്യമങ്ങള്‍ക്കു നല്‍കാന്‍.
സോമാലിയ - നിയമങ്ങൾ ഇല്ലാത്ത നാട്

ജര്‍മനിയിലെ ഇടതുപക്ഷ പത്രങ്ങളില്‍ അശ്വിന്റെ റിപ്പോര്‍ട്ടുകള്‍ വന്നുതുടങ്ങി. അതിനിടയില്‍ അശ്വിന്‍ അമേരിക്കയില്‍ പോയി ഒരു സെക്കന്‍ഡ് ഹാന്‍ഡ് 16 എം എം ക്യാമറാ സ്വന്തമാക്കി. "നീന്തല്‍ അറിയാതെ കടലില്‍ എടുത്തുചാടുന്നതുപോലെയായിരുന്നു അത്", അശ്വിന്‍ പറയുന്നു. അതുവരെ ഒരു ഫ്രെയിം എന്താണെന്നുപോലും അറിയുമായിരുന്നില്ല. "എന്നാല്‍ ഈ അവസരം കളയാന്‍ പാടില്ലാ എന്ന് മനസ്സു മന്ത്രിച്ചു." സാന്‍ഡിനിസ്റ്റായുടെ ജീവാത്മായിരുന്ന ഡാനിയല്‍ ഒര്‍ടേഗായുടെ നേതൃത്ത്വത്തില്‍ തലസ്ഥാനമായ മനാഗ്വേയിലേക്ക് പടവെട്ടി മുന്നേറിയ സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യസേനയ്ക്കൊപ്പം അശ്വിനും കൂടി. താങ്ങിനായി ഒരു ട്രൈപോഡുപോലും ഇല്ലാതെ ക്യാമറായും ഏന്തി. "സാങ്കേതികമായി നോക്കിയാല്‍ ഞാനെടുത്ത ഷോട്ടുകള്‍ക്ക് യാതൊരു മേന്മയുമുണ്ടായിരുന്നില്ല്. എന്നാല്‍ അവ മറ്റാര്‍ക്കും കിട്ടിയിരുന്നില്ല എന്നതായിരുന്നു അവയുടെ മേന്മ. അവ എക്സ്ക്ലൂസീവ് ആയിരുന്നു, ചരിത്രത്തിന്റെ ഭാഗമാവാന്‍ വിധിക്കപ്പെട്ടതായിരുന്നു." ഒര്‍ട്ടേഗയുടെ മാത്രമല്ല അറിയപ്പെടാതെപോയ അനേകം മുന്നണിപ്പോരാളികളൂടേയും രക്തസാക്ഷികളുടെയും അഭിമുഖങ്ങള്‍ അശ്വിനു ലഭിച്ചു. "പ്രശസ്തി മാത്രമല്ല, അവയുടെ പ്രദര്‍ശനത്തിലൂടെ ധാരാളം പണവും എനിക്കു ലഭിച്ചു," യാതൊരു നാട്യങ്ങളുമില്ലാതെ അശ്വിന്‍ പറയുന്നു. 'വിത് ദ സാന്‍ഡിനിസ്റ്റാസ്' ആണ്‌ അശ്വിന്റെ ആദ്യത്തെ ഡോക്യുമെന്ററി.
|Thumbnail=Author-PNVenugopal.jpeg
|Image1=NicaraguaMuthal-Aswin.png
|Image1Caption=അശ്വിന്‍ രാമന്‍
|Highlight1=" ഗാന്ധി ദണ്ഡി യാത്ര ആരംഭിച്ച ആ നഗരത്തിന്റെ അവസ്ഥ എനിക്കു സഹിച്ചില്ല. അഹമ്മദാബാദ്‌ രണ്ടായി വിഭജിക്കപ്പെട്ടിരിക്കുന്നു; ഹിന്ദുബാദും മുസ്ലീം ബാദും.
|Highlight2="ഔദ്യോഗിക ഭാഷ്യങ്ങളില്‍ എനിക്കു തീരെ വിശ്വാസമില്ല. നേര്‍ക്കാഴ്ച്ചകളില്‍ മാത്രമെ എനിക്കു താല്പര്യമുള്ളു."
|KeyPoint1=സാങ്കേതികമായി നോക്കിയാല്‍ ഞാനെടുത്ത ഷോട്ടുകള്‍ക്ക് യാതൊരു മേന്മയുമുണ്ടായിരുന്നില്ല്.
|KeyPoint2=ഭീകറര്‍ക്കെതിരെ എന്തെങ്കിലും ചെയ്തു എന്ന് അമേരിക്കക്കാരോട് ബുഷിന്‌ പറയേണ്ടിയിരുന്നു.
}}

2026-04-01T12:29:00Z

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2026-03-31T16:21:03Z

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